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No 4 (125) (2024)
EUROPEAN PROCESS: COUNTRIES AND REGIONS
THE ROLE OF TRANSFORMATIVE PROJECTS IN EUROPEAN UNION INTEGRATION DYNAMICS
Abstract
This paper introduces a new approach to understanding the deepening of integration. It examines how and under what conditions the implementation of large projects drives integration dynamics. The study begins by analyzing the demand and supply logic that underlies the explanatory integration theories, primarily two grand theories – neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. Both theories agree that the demand for integration is crucial but differ on the nature of interest groups (purely national vs. national and transnational), the levels at which these groups demand integration (only national vs. national and transnational), and the role of supranational institutions. Both theories acknowledge the key role of member state governments at the polity level. Neofunctionalism and institutionalism recognize the role of governments at the level of politics as well, at least when studying significant reforms of specific EU policies. National policymakers are usually ready to deliver the supply of integration (political decisions) when these decisions provide them sufficient compensation for any loss of their autonomy, usually in the form of additional pubic or elite support. What characteristics should a new integration project have in order to accumulate the demand, push politicians to deliver the supply, and be able to trigger the systemic transformation of regional integration organizations like the EU? The study proposes the concept of a transformative project – a type of integration project that can significantly impact integration dynamics and entail systemic changes in governance, polity, and degree of policy coordination. Based on an analysis of the EU’s history, we outline the key characteristics of a transformative project, including complexity to induce a spillover effect, a practice-oriented nature combined with long-term political goals, broad support among stakeholders and society, tangible benefits that impact daily life to promote socialization, a solid groundwork (experience with regulation at the supranational level), and linkage to a global context. The author concludes with several assumptions about the potential of the EU Green Deal as a transformative project.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):5‒16
5‒16
France’s Development Assistance Strategy to African Countries
Abstract
This article is focused on French economic assistance that is a “soft power” tool and is used to maintain and strengthen influence in developing countries and in Africa in particular – bilateral Official development assistance (ODA). The targets of this research include analysis of the ODA transformation because of changes in geopolitical situation on African continent. The authors use historical-genetic method allowing to show the evolution in French development assistance strategy from the colonial system breakdown up to 2020s, and comparative statistical method of quantitative analysis of ODA. Various concepts of France’s assistance as ex-colonial empire to the least developed African countries are considered. France`s place and role within the bilateral ODA of the OECD Development Assistance Committee are highlighted; types and sectoral areas of this aid to Africa as the main beneficiary and key direction of French ODA. The institutional ecosystem of the ODA organization in France, the functions of government agencies involved in the organization and provision of such assistance are examined; a historical survey of the evolution of the size of ODA – in absolute figures and percentage of GNI is presented. Data of ODA budget funds allocation of government structural divisions and the legally established solidarity priorities in development, the fight against poverty, global inequalities, and protecting global public goods (Law-Programming 2021) are analyzed. In conclusion, the authors give an assessment of transition to a new post-colonial model of France–Africa relations based on sharing responsibilities and submit revised ODA concept. The results of the study prove that France is facing the crisis of development assistance policy in real geopolitical situation and enhanced competition on the continent.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):58-72
58-72
Multilateral Humanitarian Aid As a Foreign Socio-Humanitarian Policy Tool in Britain
Abstract
The article proposes to single out socio-humanitarian cooperation as a separate foreign policy tool. It studies the case of the UK to demonstrate the synergy between conceptual approaches and their implementation in the national legislation in providing official development assistance (ODA) and humanitarian aid as the two integral parts of socio-humanitarian policy. The authors conclude that the shift in doctrinal priorities in the area, including the prioritisation of emergency aid and individual recipients (Afghanistan, certain African states) after 2020, is confirmed by the change in London's approaches towards UN humanitarian agencies, with the pace of cuts to humanitarian aid funds being faster than the government's stated targets. Based on statistical data from 2005‒2023, the authors distinguish two periods of the UK's multilateral socio-humanitarian policy: 2005‒2020 and 2020 ‒ to the present. The first period saw the growth in London's emergency response funding being in line with the overall growth in global humanitarian needs. In the second period, despite the dramatic increase in the funds requested by UN agencies and the general degradation of the global humanitarian situation (the humanitarian appeal of the UN's main coordination mechanism, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), increased from $39 bn in 2020 to $51.5 bn in 2023, with the number of people in dire need jumping from 98 million in 2020 to 230 million in 2023), UK deprioritised practically all channels of multilateral humanitarian funding. For the second period, we show the emphasis on food aid, along with a staggering (up to 85%) reduction in other funding areas, most notably in unearmarked contributions and CERF pledges. Such a change may be explained, on the one hand, by the deteriorating food security situation in key recipient countries and, on the other hand, by the politicisation of humanitarian assistance on the part of the UK.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):45-57
45-57
Artificial Intelligence in the Politics of the EU and China
Abstract
The article analyzed different concepts of the regulation of the artificial intelligence in the context of the competition between EU and China. In just the last few years artificial intelligence has evolved from academic research and futuristic discussions into the most dynamically developing practice. The speed and scale of implementation of this technology, and even more so, the prospects, are confusing an increasing number of people ‒ from politicians and businessmen to ordinary citizens and the developers of these AI systems themselves. As a result of a comparative interdisciplinary study of the approaches of the European Union and China to the topic of artificial intelligence, common and distinctive features that are determined by value differences have been identified. The main difference, according to the Europeans themselves, is ethics based on the European understanding of human rights. Modern China, challenging global primacy, is promoting its concept in this area. The examples of problems of ethics, competition, and security show the differences in the regulation of AI implementation processes, as well as the uncertainty that increasingly determines the actions of European politicians. This may contribute to an ideologically determined loss in competition in the field of artificial intelligence. It is possible that, despite solemn statements, Europe will have to use elements of the Chinese pragmatic approach to the problem.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):30-44
30-44
Reform of the Preliminary Ruling Procedure in the EU Court System
Abstract
In 2022, the Court of Justice of the European Union announced a new stage of reform of its system. In the face of an increase in the number of cases under consideration it is designed to maintain a professional and thorough approach to disputes resolution while reducing the time of legal proceedings. The changes are based on the new competence of the General Court to deal with requests under preliminary ruling procedure and certain other categories of disputes, as well as obtaining more freedom in matters of internal organization and the establishment of a permanent position of Advocate General. Taking into account the scientific and educational literature already published in Russia on the basics of the Court of Justice of the EU, the authors focused their attention on current issues and prospects for the development of the EU judicial system. The purpose of the article is a doctrinal study of the reasons that led to this reform, an analysis of the final text of the agreed draft regulation, as well as an overview of the measures that were implemented by the European Court of Justice at earlier stages and the reasons why they were insufficient. The authors consider new categories of cases, procedural guarantees to maintain uniformity of judicial practice and the stages of discussion of the draft regulation, which took place in 2023 in the EU institutions responsible for the adoption of the new legislation.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):17-29
17-29
PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY
World Coal Market: Current State and Long-Term Trends
Abstract
This paper aims to identify major trends in the evolution of the global coal market in the 21st century. The relevance of the topic stems from the fact that under the Paris Climate Agreement many countries are committed to reduce fossil fuel production, and this is likely to have an impact on global coal production and on international trade flows. To analyse the dynamics and structural changes in global coal production the author uses International Energy Agency data and fill in existing gaps with statistics provided by Euracoal database. The main findings suggest that during 2000–2023 the global coal production has almost doubled, mainly due to the contribution of Asian counties – China, India and Indonesia, being now the largest world exporters of coal. The share of exports in the total world production tended to enlarge from 13% in 2000 to 17% in 2023. While Russia constantly accounts for 5% of the global coal production, it ranks third among the largest coal exporters with a share that grew from 6% in 2000 to 15% in 2023. Fundamental changes have occurred in the geographical structure of world imports. The combined share of China and India expanded during the period 2000‒2023 from 3 to 46%, whereas the combined share of the EU and Japan dropped from 50 to 18%. Meanwhile the global coal market is moving to Asia, its already high grade of geographical concentration is still building up. These trends are typical for production, exports and imports (although to a somewhat lesser extent). The share of the five largest exporters climbed from 62% in 2000 to 82% in 2023, and the share of five largest importers grew from 64 to 72%, respectively.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):116-125
116-125
Factors of Foreign Trade Resilience of European Countries in the Context of Global Competition: the Role of Intra-industry Trade
Abstract
The article dwells onto the identification and quantitative assessment of the factors of the European countries’ bilateral trade resilience. The factors were studied separately for two groups, namely those responsible for maintaining of trade linkages and those characterising their ability to recover after external shocks. The paper covers only the first group of factors that were furtherly split onto inherent (endogenous) and acquired (exogenous). The inherent factors include geographical proximity and historical linkages, whereas acquired factors consist of bilateral trade intensity and degree of intra-industry trade between a pair of countries. Identifying factors that ensure resistance to foreign trade shocks using the example of relations within Europe is useful because from a historical and geographical point of view, this region is an example of the deep development of trade relations. Therefore, the identified factors will be significant for conducting research in the case of other countries. The indicators allowing for the factors’ assessment are calculated for the European states, except Turkey, Russia and several microstates. The conclusion is drawn that it is only degree of intra-industry trade that is responsible for preserving bilateral trade flows during crises. The results obtained suggest that upgrading intra-industry trade through participation in global value chains is necessary for trade resilience. This takeaway is critical for the foreign trade and industrial policies’ recalibration both in Europe and other regions, such as Africa and the Middle East.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):100-115
100-115
Mechanisms of Monetary Cooperation in BRICS: First Results and New Challenges
Abstract
The issues of creating a more equitable global monetary and financial system have been constantly in the focus of the BRIC countries since 2006. Gradual introduction of unprecedented restrictive measures against one of the participants – Russia – forced member states to intensify the work on diminishing their dependence on actions of the United States, searching for alternative ways of payment for goods and services and reducing transactions in US dollars. The article analyses prerequisites for development of monetary cooperation within BRICS and implications of the measures already taken in this direction. The extent to which introduction of a common currency can contribute or, on the contrary, create barriers to deepening economic integration within BRICS is explored. The experience of introducing euro in the EU shows that the decision on joining a common currency is not just an economic, but also a political one. Ignoring the risks associated with a radical change in payment systems can lead to serious disruptions in the world economy and push exporters and importers away from implementation of agreements reached at the highest level. The authors come to the conclusion that speeding up currency cooperation without relying on comprehensive consideration of the interests of BRICS countries and assessment of potential costs and benefits can lead to deterioration of the terms of mutual trade against the backdrop of the US attempts to maintain the existing architecture of global monetary system with absolute domination of the US dollar.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):87-99
87-99
EU as a Trade Power: Adjusting Instruments of Foreign Economic Policy
Abstract
The focus of this study is aimed at the foreign economic policy of the European Union and the areas of its implementation. The article is based on a comprehensive approach to the concept of EU foreign economic policy as a set of instruments combining trade and investment policies of the EU. The study evaluates the communitarization of the main directions of the EU’s foreign economic policy. As a result, it is concluded that the exclusive competence of the supranational bodies of the Union is partially extended to investment policy. Considering that the paradigm of realism is taken as the basis for the study, the subject of the article is to assess the role of the EU’s foreign economic policy in the realization of the Union’s foreign policy interests. The authors believe that the European Union as a “trade power”, seeks not only to achieve economic benefits, but also to ensure that its trading partners meet a number of regulatory and value requirements. Taking into account the transformation of the world order, the need for the European Union to strengthen its own political subjectivity and economic competitiveness is increasing. This leads to the expansion of “defensive” measures in trade policy (sanctions mechanism for non-compliance with the provisions on sustainable development in trade agreements) and investment policy (mechanism for controlling foreign direct investments). As a result, it strengthens the normative and value content of EU foreign economic policy on one hand and make it more protectionist on the other hand. The authors of the article conclude that by means of foreign economic policy, the European Union, as a “trading force”, seeks to create and maintain an international trade order based on rules that are beneficial to the EU.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):73-86
73-86
SOCIAL SPHERE
Employed or Self-Employed: the Problem of Regulating Platform Work in the EU
Abstract
The article analyses the process of decision-making to regulate platform work in the European Union. The author underlines that the EU strived to introduce legal certainty and improve the working conditions of platform workers. Despite the fact that many platform workers are classified as self-employed, their status remains unclear, since it is often difficult to distinguish between real and bogus self-employment, which the employer uses to evade social payments. There are two key principles of the new directive: it allows to determine correctly the status of people working on digital platforms, and sets rules for the use of algorithmic systems in the workplace. At the same time, the conclusion is drawn that the difference in approaches among member states, political groups of the European Parliament, and EU institutions turns the regulation of platform employment into the most controversial EU files, resulting in the adoption of compromise legislation on minimum standards.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):126-139
126-139
EU Social Economy: Means to ending Inequality?
Abstract
In recent years, the European Union has been facing increasing technological, economic, environmental and social challenges. The issues of strengthening the social economy are becoming increasingly important in an era of instability and uncertainty in the prospects of global development. The subjects of this business model can play a positive role in achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals, increasing productivity and competitiveness of both individual enterprises and states and their associations through increased solidarity at the territorial and local levels, reducing poverty and inequality. The social economy is designed to create quality jobs, guarantee equal learning opportunities and provide the necessary social services, especially for vulnerable segments of the population, such as migrants, persons with disabilities and unskilled workers. To realise its mission, its enterprises and organisations need to collaborate with public authorities, stakeholders and users capable of finding solutions to collective problems, such as ethical financing and socially responsible banking. This collaboration can give impetus to social inclusion, economic development and territorial cohesion in depressed underdeveloped areas and regions. Today, social indicators in EU countries such as poverty, inequality, long-term and youth unemployment continue to be high, making it difficult to ensure social sustainability. This article analyses EU policies on the social economy as well as its ecosystem in the region.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):140-150
140-150
The Ecological Dimension of Modern European Culture
Abstract
In the article modern European culture is analysed in an ecological dimension through the model of cultural ecology/ecology of culture. The paradigm of cultural ecology is considered as a way to study the changing relations between culture and the environment in the post-industrial world. The phenomenon of cultural ecology is examined through the prism of genesis in the European and Russian research traditions. The purpose of the study is to demonstrate how modern theoretical concepts of cultural ecology are fulfilled in the EU cultural policy. It is shown that the ecology of culture is the preservation of culture through conservation of nature and overcoming natural disasters. It is demonstrated that trends in the ecologisation of the cultural policy of the EU and the management of European cultural heritage are aimed at joint evolution/coevolution of culture and nature. These trends cancel out their traditional alternative. The need for a unified consideration of environmental and social factors of cultural heritage conservation in the European Union is illustrated by cases of the negative impact of tourism on a number of locations. Modern European culture as a social phenomenon is consistently evolving in the direction of optimising interaction with the nature. The conclusion is drawn that the status of modern European culture in the paradigm of cultural ecology corresponds to modern development of the information society in the version of its Green dimension.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):151-159
151-159
SOCIETY AND RELIGION
Catholic School as a Model of Interaction Between Church and State in Italy
Abstract
The article deals with the phenomenon of Catholic schools as a model of interaction between the Church and the State in Italy. The objective of work is to consider the principle of “equality” as an alternative state option in education. The author concludes that the “equification” of Catholic and public schools in 2000 did not de facto give Italians the opportunity to choose freely the type of education for their children – a principle enshrined in the Italian Constitution. With the reduction of state subsidies, some “equal” schools are forced to close. The State's policy towards such schools is criticised by the Catholic Church and by Catholic public opinion, which rightly consider what is happening in view of the conflict between secular and religious culture. Christian principles, study of European culture, recognition of the dominant role of the family, centrality of the person, education in the spirit of solidarity, priority of collective values on individualism, respect for diversity, including those linked to disability – these fundamental principles of the Catholic educational project are appreciated by Italians who would like to raise their children in the respect of the Christian cultural tradition. The author concludes that in the context of globalisation, secularism, the state monopoly on education, Catholic education continues to be perceived by some Italians as the most important component of national identity.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):160-174
160-174
HISTORY AND MODERNITY
RUSSIA/USSR – TÜRKIYE/TURKEY: LEGACY OF “FRIENDLY NEUTRALITY” GOALS OF SOVIET POLICY
Abstract
The article analyzes how the Soviet leadership pursued foreign policy objectives in relation to Turkey and the resulting legacy from these pursuits in today’s terms. USSR-Turkey relations in the 1920s were based on the common political interests of the two states, both of which existed in a similar geopolitical environment. The common goal shared by both nations was to overcome international isolation and ensure national security. The view of the Soviet government on Turkey’s role in border safety matters was outlined by People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs Georgy Chicherin, who considered USSR‒Turkey cooperation a tool for ensuring security of the southern and southwestern borders of the Soviet Union. The Black Sea Straits were a key issue in bilateral relations. As the Straits were considered a “gateway” for an attack on the USSR’s southern borders, the Soviet government tried to revise the Straits regime in a more favorable way. It was assumed that strong economic ties with the Soviet Union and mutually advantageous cooperation in the security sector would become a robust deterrent instrument for Turkey’s leaders. During the Great Patriotic War, the USSR’s policies towards Turkey were aimed at preventing it from participating in the war on the side of a hostile bloc, as well as revamping the 1936 Montreux Convention more favorably for Soviet leadership. The 1939‒1946 attempts to apply pressure on Turkey regarding the Straits issue caused the latter to withdraw from the orbit of Soviet influence and led to almost two decades of hostility and strained relations between the two nations. After the death of Joseph Stalin, particularly in the Khrushchev era, the Soviet government sought to improve bilateral relations, mainly by identifying common ground in military and political spheres, expanding trade and economic cooperation, and building the foundation for the current high level of bilateral Russia-Turkey relations.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):175-196
175-196
PAGES OF HISTORY
Europe and the End of Shogunate: Japan «Opening»
Abstract
“Bakumatsu” is the period from 1853 to 1868, which can be translated as “The End of the Bakufu” or “The End of the Tokugawa Shogunate”. Japan, under pressure from the United States and European countries, was forced to open the country for trade and contacts, well realising that it could not resist foreigners due to its technological and military inferiority. The “opening” of the country took place under the confusion of the authorities and with the resistance of not only a large part of the authorities, but also the people, who readily rallied under easy understandable slogan of “honor emperor and expel barbarians” (sonno-joi). This led to military clashes between Japanese and foreigners and to acts of terrorism not only against “barbarians” but also against local supporters of the opening of the country. The result of the “opening” of the country was also the elimination of the traditional for Japan formal dual power, under which the power by law belonged to the Emperors in Kyoto, but the country was ruled by the military rulers ‒ Shogunate of the Tokugawa dynasty in Edo. In 1868, the Tokugawa shogunate was abolished and power passed to the 122nd Meiji Emperor. The capital was moved to Edo and named Tokyo (Eastern Capital). Although the USA was given primacy in “opening” Japan, the major role in its political and economic transformation was played by European countries. President Millard Filmore, who initiated Matthew Perry's expeditions to Japan, was not re-elected, and the new president Franklin Pierce (1804‒1874), was mainly preoccupied with the conflict between the American South and North, and did not pay much attention to the issue of relations with Japan. In 1861, the American Civil War broke out and European countries – Great Britain, France, the Netherlands and Russia – began to play a major role in Japan's foreign policy.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):197-208
197-208
The Fall of the First Republic of Armenia in the Context of Relations with the Entente Countries, USA and Russia
Abstract
The article discusses the issues of the Western orientation of the government of the First Republic with its Entente allies, and significant failures in foreign policy choices. It is emphasised that the leadership of the Republic of Armenia in 1918‒1920. placed excessively unjustified hopes on the Entente countries in resolving issues of recognition of independence and sovereignty and disputed territories. Reliance on the Entente countries during the First Republic (May 1918 ‒ December 1920) did not guarantee the continued existence and security of the Armenian republic. It is noted that the Treaty of Sèvres, signed by the Entente powers (Great Britain, France) and the United States on August 10, 1920, was deceptive and was not recognised by either the Sultan’s government or the Kemalists. In this regard, the article states that, however, not a single European state has expressed a desire to help resolve territorial issues through diplomatic pressure on Turkey or the use of military force. It is also shown that as a result, the RA government ignored the Armenian-Russian agreement signed on August 10 and tried to resolve issues independently, which at the end of 1920 led to complete defeat in the Armenian-Turkish war and capitulation. It is demonstrated that Soviet Russia really assessed the current situation for intervention with the goal of rapid Sovietisation of Armenia, creating an Armenian buffer, instead of the First Republic, creating the Soviet Republic. It is concluded that the orientation of the government and major failures in army construction turned out to be the dominant factors and reasons for the decline of the First Republic of Armenia at the end of 1920. The ineffectiveness of the militarydiplomatic support of the Entente states and the underestimation of the Russian factor are revealed. The RA’s orientation toward its European allies and the United States turned out to be disastrous, since it belatedly became obvious that the Armenian leadership had made a mistake in its calculations and turned out to be short-sighted, since it did not even try to act faster in order to win real and necessary military-political support from Russia. As a result, we can come to the conclusion that after a steep fall at the end of 1920, the First Republic of Armenia, on the basis of the Armenian-Russian agreement signed on December 2, acquired a new historical perspective for further existence in the form of a Soviet socialist republic.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(4 (125)):209-219
209-219